“世事乱弹”目录存档

钱学森为中国太空事业奠基(译文)——美国人记录的钱学森

2009年08月20日,星期四

本博客收录的原文地址:http://gerrile.com/life/achieves/2009/08/qian-xuesen-laid-foundation-for-space-rise-in-china-en.html
原始原文地址:http://www.aviationweek.com/aw/generic/story_channel.jsp?channel=space&id=news/aw010708p1.xml

Gerrile:网络上有一些关于钱学森的讨论,由于我们对钱学森在美国时期的了解基本上都来自他自己的描述,所以我翻译了美国人Bradley Perrett撰写的有关钱学森的文章,相信对了解钱学森以及他的功过是非有很好的借鉴价值——译者注。

2008年1月6日
Bradley Perrett 著
Gerrile 译


2007年,宇航界格局的最大变化莫过于中国在太空势力排名中的领先地位。在四年前,中国作为实现了载人航天的国家成为了精英俱乐部的第三名成员,证明了它的不懈努力。但在2007年,它又完成了两个成就,显示其是一个值得所有人注意的太空玩家。

一月,中国用一个地面发射导弹销毁了它自己的一架航天器,粉碎了一个老化的气象卫星。然后在十月,中国展开了它的第一次行星任务:将一个科学探测器送上月球。

为这些成就奠定基础的人是一位出色的科学家。他曾在上世纪四十年代为美国军队的高级火箭项目工作并帮助成立了加州理工的喷气推进实验室。之后,美国十分短见地要将这个拥有知识技术和美国机密的人送回中国。由于当时膨胀的麦卡锡主义(美国反动议员麦卡锡当时迫害一些进步人士——Gerrile注),这个科学家作为“GC主义嫌疑犯”被驱逐出境。

这个人就是钱学森。他成为了中国宇航项目之父。

反卫星(Asat)试验可以体现以高级传感器以及追踪和精确弹道控制技术为基础的能力——之前只有美国和俄罗斯拥有。

通过弹道导弹发射的反卫星弹头几乎从正面拦截了它的卫星目标。这样可制造出极高的接近速率,翻倍了这个试验的挑战性,也使中国科技的飞跃看起来更加显著。

这个试验作为历史上最大范围的太空污染受到了世界范围的谴责。数千个新残骸——其中有超过900个足够大(10厘米)到可以被地面雷达追踪——突然出现在轨道上。它们威胁到所有国家的低轨卫星,包括国际空间站。苏联发射人造卫星的五十年以来不断在积累的太空垃圾的数量,在一瞬间猛增了10%。

更糟糕的是,由于目标卫星非常高,在860千米(535英里)处。在那个层面的稀薄的大气分子至少需要一个世纪来减缓一些碎片的速度,使其回到地球。

即使中国认为它必须实施这个试验,它并没有解释为什么不使用一个特制的小质量目标,那样会产生一个小一些的,直径短一些的残骸云。苏联和美国的反卫星试验在上世纪80年代结束,那时的低轨卫星远比现在少,太空垃圾造成的危险也相当小。

虽然中国的2007年太空项目以一声巨响开始,但它以一种更平静,但仍然显著的成就结束了这一年——这个国家成为了第一个向月球轨道送出探测器的发展中国家。

嫦娥一号自身并非主要成就。平台以一个中国花了数年时间制造的通信卫星为基础。其实,中国是通过赢得了使用追踪、遥测和控制技术向太空深处送出探测器的挑战来彰显它的最大进步。

反卫星试验传递的信息是中国已经加入了太空势力排名的第一阵营。

钱学森没有因为他个人指导了这些成绩而成为我们的年度人物。现在已96岁高龄、身体虚弱的他,已经很多年没有活跃在中国太空项目中。毋宁说,他已经超越其他所有人,在达到了现今高度的科学与工业综合领域中确定了自己的领头人地位。

他确定这个位置是从1956年开始,几乎从无到有。

当时,他的中国同行对喷气推进知之甚少。他的个人全部书籍成为关键资源。他的第一个研究实验室只有一部电话。

“一开始我们认识到最急迫的任务是教学,而不是立刻开始独立的研究。”他后来写到。幸运的是,苏联在随后几年雪中送炭,提供了决定性的帮助。

美国作家张纯如在其1995年的传记作品《蚕丝》中保存有关于钱的重要记录。里面说:“正是他发起并纵观项目全局,去研发当时中国一些最早的导弹,第一颗卫星,导弹追踪和控制遥测系统,以及声名狼藉的蚕式(反舰)导弹(美国人确信在两伊战争期间,这个型号的导弹曾被大量出售给伊朗,并且发挥了相当的威力,但中国否认出售武器。美国颇为头痛,并决定强行检查进入波斯湾的船只,进而引发了著名的“银河号”事件——Gerrile注)。也正是他研究出可最小化混乱和官僚主义的干扰,帮助一级级的专家们彼此交流的管理结构,从而帮助中国将系统工程学转变为一门科学。

在钱的鞭策下,中国人从抄袭苏联的R-2(SS-2)导弹——这个导弹本身也是从德国二战时的A-4(V-2)发展而来——开始,建立了一系列的不断增强的自主设计,包括东风-4型弹道导弹,其三级太空版“长征一号”,在1970年带着第一颗中国卫星进入轨道。

嫦娥一号的发射是通过长征三号甲火箭,它是从1965年开始研制的东风-5型发展而来。

“他是我们的宇航工业之父,”中国月轨项目指挥栾恩杰有一次这样告诉美国记者Michael Cabbage,“没有他,很难说我们现在会在哪里。”

至少从上世纪50年代开始,钱是怎样回到中国就作为当时的新闻就反复被告知了。但这个新闻其实是一个迷人的故事。现在,当我们注视着中国向前迈出最新的脚步时,这个故事值得被复述出来。

钱于1911年,在大清帝国的最后几个星期里出生。23岁获奖学金,旅美到麻省理工学院学习航空工程学。由于麻省理工当时重视理论胜于实践,他很快转到加州理工,走上引领他成为美国最杰出的火箭科学家之一的道路。

当他的祖国因政治分歧而备受煎熬——被日本侵略,后来是内战——钱成为了加州工学院古根海姆航空学实验室的指导,美籍匈牙利裔工程师及物理学家西奥多·冯·卡门的得意门生。才20多岁的钱涉足了火箭学的试验,这个领域在当时,1930年代晚期,几乎被重视起来。

当时美国空军真的在1939年开始重视这门学科,要求加州理工,也包括钱,研发火箭来帮助轰炸机起飞。由于如此频繁地与火箭推进结合,火箭的概念被解释为助飞器(JATO),看起来很简单。为了使其有用,团队深入到火箭燃料燃烧稳定性的努力中,并使“火箭科学”成为极大的技术挑战的代名词(现在美国人习惯称高深莫测的高科技都为“火箭科学”,称各学科的深入研究的科学家都为“火箭科学家”即来源于这个时期——Gerrile注)。

1943年的德国火箭能动性的发现导致了美国的加速研究。且在加州理工,钱作为一个指导研究的分部门领导者参与了喷气推进实验室。这个实验室的发明:Private A,美国的第一枚固态燃料导弹表现良好。

促使钱确立了在美国军事技术中地位的力量是对喷气推进的潜力的突发认知,包括火箭。在历史上最大规模的战争中,在30年代几乎被忽略的技术在1944年成长为具有第一流的重要发展意义。

1945年初,钱在五角大楼里具有高级别的安全许可,并撰写关于全国范围内最新的经过分类的技术以及其在未来军队发展中的应用前景的报告。

作为执行美国在战争结束后搜索德国机密这一技术任务的一员,他审讯了沃纳·冯·布劳恩。那时没人能想到未来的美国宇航项目之父被未来的中国宇航项目之父审问了。

在冯·卡门担保下,钱加入了科学咨询委员会,这个委员会为向空军领导层提供建议而设置。“在36岁,他是个无可质疑的天才,为促进空气动力学和喷气推进学的发展提供着巨大的能量。”冯·卡门后来写到,为了解释当时那样做的原因。

1949年,钱阐释了他关于太空飞机的想法——一个有翅膀的火箭——被确认为是50年代晚期的戴那-索尔项目——太空飞梭之祖——的灵感来源。

然后他的美国生涯突然崩散了。1950年,由于约瑟夫·麦卡锡参议员暴怒于臆想中的“GC主义者全线渗入美国政府”,当局终止了钱的安全许可。

张纯如写到那时移民归化局不能为将钱定罪为GC主义者提供哪怕一点点具体的证据。

但政府确实掌握一些证据,即使非常不具体。美国显然发现自己对钱的立场颇为尴尬。当中国是美国的盟友时,他可能会产生的任何爱国主义情绪都很难对美国产生什么危害,但既然中国是敌人了,让他了解更多的美国机密是否合理呢?也许吧,因为他那时希望成为美国公民(我想这一段历史,钱学森在回国后是应该绝口不提的——Gerrile注)。

由于显然是被侮辱了,钱对他失去安全许可的第一反应是试图返回中国,但他被美国政府阻止了,希望把他对美国机密的了解留在美国内部。然后两方都改变了想法(非常的“戏剧性”,假如美国政府的想法不改变,中国的现代科技史将被重写——Gerrile注)。移民局不顾其他部门的恐惧,决定驱逐他,然而钱试图要留下来,显然是决定要洗清罪名。

钱的试图留下几乎可以明白得显示出他实际上并不对回国工作感兴趣。那时他最好的选择可能还是回中国去工作,带着他的专业技能和美国机密。没有了安全许可,他能够留在美国并为中国做出很大成果的可能性不大。

“这是这个国家犯过的最愚蠢的错误”,海军副部长Dan Kimball这样说,他竭力想把钱留在美国,“他不会比我更像一个GC主义者,然而我们把他逼走了。”

移民局在与钱的案子中胜诉了,但政府还是对送他回去有所犹豫。经过了数年的被搁置,这科学家自己又决定要回国,并且为此寻求中国政府的帮助。中国政府将钱回国作为韩战战俘谈判的一部分获得了美国的同意。

中国当然很高兴要回了他。1955年,钱被最终驱逐时,它像欢迎一个英雄一样欢迎他。

他勉强地回国很难称为爱国行为,但中国官方直到现在,在对待历史时依然忽略这一点。最近,2003年,新华社重述了他的故事,只是淡淡地说:“1955年,经过对新中国六年的寻求,钱学森回到了祖国。”

另一个在中国被忽略的事实是他为农业产量给出了糟糕的科学建议,可能鼓励了MZD主席在1958-61年间推行了灾难性的大YUE进经济政策(这段历史已被证实,钱学森为放高产卫星提供“科学证明”,而出身农村的MZD就这样放下心中的怀疑,因为他非常信任他心目中的“大科学家”,而大YUE进导致了随后而来的三年自然灾害,死亡人数以两千万到四千万计算——Gerrile注),导致了可能2000万人死于饥荒。

其实,从结果来看,一些美国对于遣送钱学森的恐惧过于夸张了。第一,他所知的秘密在他回国时,都已经至少是五年以前的了(参见上文,钱学森被定罪后五年才终于回国——Gerrile注),而那是一个技术飞速变化的时代。

第二,没有任何一个科学家或工程师可以掌握设计太空飞行器和导弹所需的知识的哪怕一小部分。所以他只能成为领导,而不能独自制作出火箭。确实,他的角色变成了中国宇航项目的管理员。加之,张纯如写道,在很多时候,他告诉被疑问困扰的同行们技术答案早已经出版出来了,他们只需要去正确的书里找就行了,而经常都是美国的书。

最后,当他作为一个管理员为中国取得了伟大成果,这些成果最后依旧沦落到为美国利益服务,因为中国在他回国的五年内成为了苏联的对手。他所创造的科学-工业综合技术制造出来的导弹都被送往国家西部,使莫斯科能够
进入导弹射程。

但如果中国现在是美国的战略性对手,那么钱的成果就史无前例的重要了——特别是中国经济正无情地向前发展,并且注意力集中在世界舞台。所以这个非常老的人一直与这一切有关。

Qian Xuesen Laid Foundation For Space Rise in China(原文)

2009年08月19日,星期三

原文地址:http://www.aviationweek.com/aw/generic/story_channel.jsp?channel=space&id=news/aw010708p1.xml


Qian Xuesen Laid Foundation For Space Rise in China

Jan 6, 2008

Nothing in aviation or space in 2007 represented a greater change in the status quo than China’s ascendancy to the first rank of space powers. China had proven its mettle four years earlier by becoming only the third member of the elite club of nations capable of flying humans in space. But in 2007, it accomplished two more feats, proving to the world that it’s a space player to be reckoned with across the board.

In January, China destroyed one of its own spacecraft with a ground-launched missile, shattering the aging weather satellite. Then in October, China launched its first planetary mission, sending a scientific probe to the Moon (see p. 59).

The man who laid the foundation for these achievements is a brilliant scientist who worked for the U.S. military on advanced rocket projects in the 1940s and helped found the Jet Propulsion Laboratory at the California Institute of Technology. Then, in a remarkably short-sighted move, the U.S. sent this man back to China with all his skills and knowledge of American secrets. With McCarthyism in full bloom, the scientist was deported on dubious charges of being a Communist.

That man is Qian Xuesen. And he became the father of the Chinese space program. (The name, sometimes spelled Tsien Hsue-shen, is pronounced chien shu-eh sen.)

The antisatellite (Asat) test demonstrated an ability—based on advanced sensors, tracking and precise trajectory control technologies—which had previously belonged only to the U.S. and Russia.

The Asat’s warhead, launched by a ballistic missile, intercepted its satellite target nearly head-on, creating an extremely high closing velocity that multiplied the challenges in this test and served to underscore the leap in Chinese technology.

The test was condemned worldwide as the largest instance of space pollution in history. Thousands of new pieces of debris, more than 900 of them large enough (10 cm.) to be tracked by ground radars, were suddenly in orbit.They threaten low orbiting satellites of all nations, including the International Space Station. The amount of space junk hurtling around the planet, accumulated in the 50 years since Sputnik, had shot up by 10% in an instant.

Worse, because the target satellite, at 860 km. (535 mi.), was fairly high, some fragments will take at least a century to be slowed down and brought back to Earth by the few molecules of atmosphere at that level.

China has not explained why, even if it felt it had to conduct the test, it did not use a specially built low-mass target that might have been blasted away at a lower altitude, leaving a smaller debris cloud of shorter duration. Soviet and U.S. Asat tests ended in the 1980s, when far fewer satellites were in low orbit and the dangers of space junk correspondingly lower.

While China’s space program began 2007 with a spectacular bang, it ended the year with a more peaceful, but still remarkable, achievement—when the country became the first developing nation to launch a spacecraft into lunar orbit.

The Chang’e 1 spacecraft is not in itself the main achievement. The platform is based on a communications satellite that China has been building for years. Rather, China has shown its greatest progress in mastering the challenge of tracking, telemetry and control technology needed to send a probe into deep space.

As with the Asat test, the message was that China had joined the front rank of space powers.

Qian Xuesen is not our Person of the Year because he personally directed these efforts. Now 96 years old and in poor health, he has not been active in the Chinese space program for many years. Rather, it’s because he, more than anyone, is credited with the leading role in creating the scientific and industrial complex that’s now reaching these heights of achievement.

He began to create it, in 1956, from almost nothing.

At the time, his Chinese colleagues knew little about rocket propulsion. His personal book collection became a key resource. And his first research institute had only one telephone.

“First we recognized that the pressing problem was to teach, not immediately to do independent research,” he later wrote. Fortunately, the Soviets gave crucial help for a few years.

The U.S. author Iris Chang, whose 1995 biography Thread of the Silkworm remains a leading source for information about Qian, wrote: “It was he who initiated and oversaw programs to develop some of China’s earliest missiles, the first Chinese satellite, missile tracking and control telemetry systems, and the infamous Silkworm [anti-ship] missile.

“And it was he who helped turn systems engineering into a science in China, by working out a management structure that would facilitate communication between tiers of experts with a minimum of confusion and bureaucracy.”

Spurred on by Qian, the Chinese moved from copying a Soviet R-2 (SS‑2) missile, itself a development of the German A-4 (V-2) of World War II, to building a succession of progressively larger domestic designs, including the Dongfeng 4 ballistic missile, whose three-stage space launch version, Long March 1, put the first Chinese satellite into orbit in 1970.

Chang’e 1 was launched by a Long March 3A rocket, a development of the Dongfeng 5, for which research began as early as 1965.

“He’s the father of our space industry,” the head of China’s lunar program, Luan Enjie, once told U.S. journalist Michael Cabbage. “It’s difficult to say where we would be without him.”

The story of how China got Qian back from the U.S. has been told many times, not least in the early 1950s, when it was current news. But it’s a fascinating story, and is well worth retelling as we watch China’s latest strides forward.

Qian was born in 1911, in the last weeks of Chinese imperial history, and at 23 traveled to the U.S. on a scholarship to study aeronautical engineering at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Preferring theory to the practice that MIT then emphasized, he soon moved to Caltech and began to follow a path that would lead to his becoming one of the most eminent rocket scientists in the U.S.

While his own country was racked by political division, invasion by Japan and, finally, civil war, Qian became a star pupil of the director of Caltech’s Guggenheim Aeronautical Laboratory, the Hungarian-American engineer and physicist Theodore von Karman. Still in his 20s, Qian became involved in experiments in rocketry, a field that at that time, the late 1930s, was barely taken seriously.

But the U.S. Army Air Corps did begin to take it seriously in 1939, tasking Caltech, including Qian, to develop rockets to help bombers take off. As so often with rocket propulsion, the concept of what soon came to be called jet-assisted takeoff, or JATO, looks simple. Getting it to work led the team deeper into the struggle with propellants and combustion stability that helped make “rocket science” a byword for extreme technical challenge.

The 1943 discovery of German rocket activity resulted in acceleration in U.S. work and, at Caltech, the creation of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, with Qian as a section leader directing research for Private A, the first U.S. solid-propellant missile to perform successfully.

The force that propelled Qian to the heights of the U.S. military technology establishment was the sudden realization of the potential of jet propulsion, including rockets. Almost ignored in the late 1930s, the technology rose by 1944 to first-rank development importance amid the largest war in history.

By early 1945, Qian was in the Pentagon with a high-grade security clearance and writing reports on the latest classified technology nationwide and its implications for future military development.

As a member of the U.S. technical mission that scoured Germany for secrets at the end of the war, he interrogated Wernher von Braun. No one then knew that the father of the future U.S. space program was being quizzed by the father of the future Chinese space program.

Von Karman vouched for Qian to join the Scientific Advisory Board, set up to advise the head of the Air Force. “At the age of 36, he was an undisputed genius whose work was providing an enormous impetus to advances in high-speed aerodynamics and jet propulsion,” von Karman later wrote, explaining the move.

In 1949, Qian described his idea for a spaceplane, a winged rocket that’s credited as an inspiration for the late 1950s Dyna-Soar project, itself an ancestor of the space shuttle.

Then his U.S. career suddenly unraveled. In 1950, as Sen. Joseph McCarthy (R-Wis.) raged against supposed widespread Communist infiltration of the U.S. government and with China now Communist, the authorities revoked Qian’s security clearance.

Iris Chang wrote that the Immigration and Naturalization Service had not a scrap of concrete evidence for its charge that Qian was a Communist.

But the government did have some evidence, even if it was far from concrete. And the U.S. had clearly found itself in a sticky situation with Qian. When China was a U.S. ally, any feelings of patriotism he might have had could do little harm to the U.S. But now that China was hostile, was it reasonable to let him learn more U.S. secrets? Maybe. He was seeking U.S. citizenship at the time.

Apparently insulted, Qian first responded to the loss of his security clearance by trying to return to China, but he was stopped by the government, which wanted to keep his knowledge of U.S. secrets inside the U.S. Then both sides changed their minds. The immigration service sought to deport him, regardless of the fears of other agencies, and Qian tried to stay, apparently determined to clear his name.

Qian’s attempt to stay almost certainly proves he wasn’t, in fact, interested in working for China. By that time he could have best done so by going home with his expertise and U.S. secrets. Without a security clearance, it was unlikely he could achieve much for China by staying in the U.S.

“It was the stupidest thing this country ever did,” said Undersecretary of the Navy Dan Kimball, who tried to keep Qian in the U.S. “He was no more a Communist than I was, and we forced him to go.”

The immigration service won its case against Qian, but the government still hesitated to send him back. After years in limbo, the scientist himself decided again to go home and sought help to do so from the Chinese government, which secured U.S. agreement as part of negotiations over Korean War prisoners.

China, of course, was delighted to have him back. It welcomed him as a hero when he was finally deported in 1955.

His reluctant return was hardly a patriotic act, but that was, and still is, overlooked in the official Chinese view of history. As recently as 2003, the Xinhua news agency, recounting his story, reported blandly: “In 1955, six years after the founding of New China, Qian Xuesen returned to the motherland.”

Another fact that’s ignored in China is that he gave bad scientific advice on agricultural yields that may have encouraged Chairman Mao Zedong’s disastrous 1958-61 Great Leap Forward economic policy, which led to perhaps 20 million people dying of starvation.

It turned out that some of the U.S. fears of sending Qian back may have been exaggerated. First, the secrets that he knew were at least five years old by the time of his return, and that was an era of rapidly changing technology.

Second, no single scientist or engineer can have more than a fraction of the knowledge needed to design space launchers or missiles. So he could only be a leader, not a one-man rocket builder. Indeed, his role turned out to be that of administrator of the Chinese space program. Moreover, Chang wrote that in many cases he told his questioning comrades that the technical answers they needed had already been published; they needed only to look up the right book, often an American one.

Finally, while he achieved great things for China as an administrator, those results again probably ended up serving U.S. interests, because China became an adversary of the Soviet Union within about five years of his return. Missiles built by the scientific-industrial complex he created were sent to the west of the country to bring Moscow in range.

But if China is now a strategic rival to the U.S., then his achievements are now more important than ever—especially as the Chinese economy moves relentlessly toward front and center on the world stage. Hence the continuing relevance of this very old man.